Post-Peak Liberal
....... Life on the Downslope
OK, that's enough for now. Have a great New Year everyone, and here's to the fresh possibilities that each annual turn of the calendar brings. 2012 certainly promises to be much more exciting than the wet blanket year we just finished.
Oh yeah, and the Bruins repeat as Stanley Cup champions.
It is impossible to prefigure the salvation of the world in the same language by which the world has been dismembered and defaced.
--- Wendell Berry
I don't know if most people feel the same, but it seems to me like a lot of things are winding down. As I described many moons ago, the equations that make up the American Algorithm are just not fitting together any more. Things we learned growing up, adages about labor and education and family, don't pass the sniff test any more. Hard work doesn't necessarily pay off. Playing by the rules may not ensure even modest success. Even more importantly, violations of long-standing modicums of decent and responsible behavior, especially in business and finance, not only go unpunished, they actually and vastly increase one's chances of entering the controlling elite.
More specifically, the advanced form of capitalism in which we operate has become undeniably cannibalistic. Labor, whether skilled or unskilled, has been degraded. Even though we live in complex societies and economies, systems that require all manner of service and maintenance, it is becoming increasingly difficult to make a comfortable living unless one possesses a narrower and narrower range of coveted, high-tech skills. Though we are all physical beings, living in actual corporeal space, surrounded by concrete environments and objects that need creation and tending, we have decided that only ethereal and abstract professions like financial derivative management and computer network programming are deserving of major reward. We wouldn't dream of telling our children that farming, tinkering, garbage-hauling, cobbling, or ditch-digging are worthy pursuits, even though these activities will always be around, and will always need to be performed by someone.
No matter what kind of bargain our 'advanced' societies make with capitalism (the welfare states of Europe, the turbo free-markets of America, or the directed production of China), the relentless forces of various technologies and their evolutionary, financial offshoots are pounding away at any type of lifestyle that might bring personal dignity and ecological stability. In short, nowhere are economic forces actually serving the people. It's vice-versa. Even in the rapidly expanding economies of China and India, the middle classes are not actually swelling. The same forces that propel wealth and power to a small minority in the Western world are starting to work their diabolical magic on Eastern societies as well.
All around us is evidence that the whole damned thing is shot. Europe is a shambles, with countries and cultures that are thousands of years old being held hostage by the iron-grip of, gulp, bond markets. How is it that countries with millions of people and thousands of domestic industries can be declared too naughty to participate in the global game of borrowing, spending, and consuming? How can huge swaths of geography and demography be put in a financial 'time-out' and told to clean up their profligate ways, or else? How is it that bond vigilantes can plunge millions into an austerity, when almost none of the problems can be traced to regular people, workers, and citizens? Well, it happens because the universal Hoover that is consumer capitalism has already sucked out all of the excess value created by the labors of the many, and parked that cash in the Caymen Islands or Icelandic default swaps or Indonesian bonds, or some other god-forsaken place where it can do no good for the people that actually created that value in the first place.
And we certainly don't need to belabor the situation in the US. Epic unemployment, persistent stagnation, swollen stock markets alongside tepid labor markets, the surging coffers of the 1%. We all know how fucked up everything is here.
But aside from the Occupy Wall Street crowd, there really hasn't been much uproar. Much like the boilerplate criticism of OWS (which is actually both fair and unfair, depending on how you look at it), this is probably the result of no one really knowing what to do. "What's are the OWS's demands? What do they want?", everyone keeps asking. As if anyone really knows what the hell would fix everything (or anything).
We're all waiting around for something to kick in. We're waiting for low interest rates to spur lending and investment and hiring. Or we're waiting for school reform to take root and start creating the next generation of competitive American workers (because by God, we may be the most individualistic, screw the deadbeats, get-a-job-you-hippie culture in the world, but when it comes to global economic competition, we're suddenly all in it together to make us better than those brown and yellow devils who are out-competing us, fur fuck's sake). Or we're waiting for the government to give us a real jobs plan, with real training for the green industries of the future. Or we're waiting for the GOP to take power, so that we can finally shrink down the government, turning loose the furies of economic creativity and dynamism. Woop woop!!
No matter what form it takes, we're all waiting for something to happen, something that will save us from the excesses and failures of the system itself. This is a sure sign that we are ideologically exhausted, spinning our wheels and hoping against hope that the identical workings of the same system will somehow produce different results. Needless to say, this is supremely irrational. We are essentially hoping to hit the lottery.
The lottery is actually a good metaphor for our current state of affairs. As I'm sure we're all aware, the lottery is the ultimate regressive tax. Poor people are the disproportionate consumers of lottery products, sapping much of the earning power of the lower classes as a whole. The state has already gotten a lot of these people's money through the various 'sin' taxes: alcohol, cigarettes, etc. Then what's left of their meager paychecks gets scanned back into the government ledgers one grease-soaked Keno ticket at a time. And the scratch tickets?! Dear god, what an amazing advance in the technology of lottery looting. Throw some pretty pictures of baseball diamonds, Christmas trees, or corn fields on those tickets, and straight-up money-squandering is magically transmogrified into a 'game.' And games are good, right? Fantastic. Never mind that the odds of someone winning a substantial sum in the lottery, even just breaking even for years of ticket purchasing, are ridiculously small. As long as there is even the slightest chance that I might win, then by all means, let it ride!!
That's what our waiting around for external socioeconomic salvation is like: the lottery. We keep hoping that the same tired arguments that have been used for decades to rationalize the wholesale looting of America and the global push for reckless growth will suddenly, somehow, flip their functions around and do the opposite of what they have been doing all along. Stale platitudes from the right and the left are being relentlessly retread: trickle-down economics, educational 'reform,' public (quasi-public, at best, in its Obamacare form) health care, economic stimulus, quantitative easing, 'entitlement' reform. All these things are just fancy ways of saying, "Yes, yes -- we know that the economic fruits of the last 40 years of grassroots hard work and progress have been filched away to inflate private portfolios around the globe. And yes, we all know that those fruits can never be gotten back. But it's too late to cry about that now, so here's another way for you to change your behavior and your expectations, so that corporations and banks can begrudgingly agree to participate in the domestic economy again."
Well lucky us! How fortunate we are that the titans of business and government are working to discover new ways for us to receive less compensation for our hard work and overarching anxiety. They're the job creators, right?
In lieu of this ridiculousness, many are simply going with the regular, old-fashioned dreams of the actual lottery. All we really want is to hit the big one, quit work, and start traveling around the world. We want to check out of all the day-to-day bullshit and just get away from it all.
This is lottery porn, the self-titillation that comes with dreaming the wish-lists of unlimited wealth. And being a semi-regular purchaser of lottery tickets myself, I have to say that I almost never dream of things that I want to buy. My thoughts almost invariably leap to travel and escape, to beaches and leisure and cocktails. Now, I'm sure other people are different, and actually do plan out their Ferraris and 150-inch TVs and South Beach mansions and whatnot. But I would bet that an equal number just dream of the freedom that would come with winning, the freedom from an oppressive work life and degraded public life. For many, the lottery is just a ticket out of a way of life that is stultifying, undignified, and inhumane.
Well, we're not all going to hit the lottery. We're not all going to get that golden ticket out of our current predicament. And even those that may hit it big and 'escape' will still have to live in the midst of a collapsing culture and civilization, as the glacial power of our current arrangements ground all of their compatriots' lives into dust. We will not all hit the mother-lode.
But we are, in fact, all each other's winning lottery ticket. We have the power to provide each other all of the security and comfort that would come with a gajlillion dollar payout -- and actually much more. After all, what is it that we all really want? As Wendell Berry asked, "What are people for?" I'm convinced that most people have relatively modest desires. We want to have security, shelter, dignity, and self-reliance. We want to live in humane environments and communities, with real power to shape the contours of our existence. We want dignified work, some of it complex, but most of it simple. And perhaps most of all, we want to be around people that we like and love, living in convivial and robust settings.
That winning lottery ticket is available to all of us, which is why I tend to be bit more optimistic than some other Peak and Post-Peak commentators. I think that there is real potential for rapid change towards a more collective social form, one that will replace the One Person/One Job-One Family/One Dwelling structure that we have now (see the American Algorithm link above to read more about our current social structure). A more collective social form would be the biggest lottery hit of all time, because it would provide security, stability, and true freedom not just for a lucky few, but for millions.
Here are some of my postings on what that way of life might look like.
Corporate personhood has emerged as one of the more contentious issues of our ongoing economic malaise. In 2010, the Supreme Court’s Citizens United decision fully cranked open the spigots of corporate campaign cash, making political pay-for-play proudly and unabashedly explicit. In August of this year, the normally smooth and weathervanish Mitt Romney ran afoul of the haybale set at the Iowa State Fair when he informed an angry interlocutor that “Corporations are people, my friend.” And of course, the Occupy Wall Street movement is currently pushing the corporate personhood issue front and center, as it becomes undeniably obvious that the normal operation of big business is one of the primary mechanisms for the upward shunting of wealth and power to the infamous 1%.
But the identification of corporations as people has a much longer history in America. Some conflict can be traced to beginnings of our republic, when Hamilton and Jefferson clashed over the desirability of centralized public, private, and banking entities. There was also the festering resentment of the American colonists over the monopolistic and rapacious behavior of various crown corporations. The chests dumped at the Boston Tea Party, remember, belonged to the loathed East India Company, an early form of the corporation called a joint-stock company. But the true landmark events in defining business entities as people came in the form of Supreme Court rulings. Long before Citizens United, the Dartmouth College vs. Woodward decision in 1819 established that, for legal purposes, corporations are artificial persons afforded the same protections as natural citizens. The main issue in Dartmouth was the recognition of corporate charters as private contracts subject to the Contract Clause in Article One of the Constitution. Later, in 1886, the Santa Clara vs. Southern Pacific Railroad decision further locked in the idea of the corporate person by granting equal protection under the 14th Amendment, a section of the Constitution originally designed to protect freed slaves.
Since Santa Clara, the matter of corporate personhood has been essentially settled in the eyes of the courts. Certainly, subsequent rulings have allowed private business entities to be regulated by state and federal governments, but this has not eroded their status as individuals vis-à-vis the Constitution. The only real surprise is that it took 120 years between Santa Clara and Citizens United to officially codify the corporation’s dominance over our politics via the legal mechanism of cash as free speech.
With this long legal history, the battle to de-personify corporations is a losing proposition. Taking into consideration existing case law and the death-grip that big business has on our federal political system, the only real solution would be a Constitutional Amendment that explicitly limits protections to natural persons. Needless to say, people shouldn’t hold their breath waiting for this to happen. A much more promising avenue would be for people to become more like corporations. Just as business entities have piggybacked onto legal protections originally designed to help flesh-and-blood citizens, we American mortals should co-opt the strategies and structures that corporations have used to such great effect. We should turn the corporate tools of scale, specialization, centralized purchasing, and limited redundancy to our own domestic advantage. And along the way, we could perhaps find ways to grab legal shelters designed for corporations and bend them to our own benefit.
What would this mean for people to become more like corporations, and why would anyone want to do that? After all, one of the main pleasures of domestic life is that it is not like the workplace. The family is a “haven in a heartless world,” in Christopher Lasch’s memorable phrase. But the point here is not to harness the spirit of the corporation, which is single-minded pursuit of profit, but rather its collective form, which use combination, cooperation, and coordination to maximize efficiency. The simple fact is that the individual and the nuclear family are no longer adequate home-bases from which regular people can approach the wider economy. The old algorithms of work, wage, and household are no longer functional, and no amount of new debt, stimulus, or austerity is going to recreate the fleeting conditions of decades past. In the last 40 years, major trends in technology, globalization, finance and corporate structure have driven the real value of labor way down. Wages and salaries for virtually all sectors have stagnated or declined, except for a very small sliver of technical fields. And even those spheres will probably soon see the same eroding effects, as technology and globalized labor supplies eat into their temporary advantages.
We can talk all we want about job retraining, beefed-up technical education in our schools, or the new Green Economy with its fantastic new careers. But the brute economic fact is that economic growth no longer requires a large percentage of highly-skilled, highly-paid workers. Globalized and technology-based economies can churn out tons of stuff without having millions and millions of engineers and web designers raking in sweet salaries. This declining value of labor input is what helps push all of the surplus value up the chain to the tiny majority that controls larger and larger swaths of our total economy.
Like the long history of corporate personhood, it will not do us any good to swim against these long-term trends. Labor unions are not going to suddenly make a comeback and jack up everyone’s paychecks. Nor are we going to magically transform our gargantuan workforce into an army of bio-engineers and open-source programmers. And the Occupy Wall Street movement, noble as the intention might be, is not going to set off a powderkeg of political discontent that ends up forcing massive redistribution of wealth or FRD-style federal spending.
But what is doable is the formation of small domestic groups or co-ops, larger home-bases from which people can approach the economic and political spheres. Inside these domestic corporations, people can share revenue, combine and centralize their purchasing, specialize their labor participation, and group their investments. They could also pull members out of the outside workforce altogether, bringing functions like child care and eldercare in-house. Lighter forms of these domestic corporations might look something like co-housing, while more committed versions would involve outright cohabitation. The overall saving in housing costs would obviously be maximized in cohabitation models.
Now of course, collective living in domestic corporations would cut directly against the American grain of individualism and nuclear family predominance. But as permanent as our current arrangements might seem, they are really just the temporary flowerings of a style of capitalism that strives to maximize excessive, redundant and, frankly, unnecessary consumption. And there is ample evidence, from exploding legal and illegal drug use, to pervasive personality disorders, to chronic American obesity, that our current lifestyle is profoundly unsatisfying and unsettling.
The social support structures of the past are all but gone. Labor unions, small town economies, fraternal organizations, and traditional churches have all been eroded by the relentless march of turbo-capitalism and the hyper-individualized consumption patterns left in its wake. It is clear that beleaguered and exhausted citizens and workers need some sort of new platform from which they can intelligently and efficiently engage the workplace, the marketplace, and the political sphere. In a word, people just need some space – space to breathe, move, experiment and innovate. If we try to go it alone, as individuals, couples or families, we will never get that socioeconomic space opened up, and our levels of anxiety and depression will continue to mount. But if we can leverage the collective tools of the corporation to our own personal advantage as flesh and blood people, then new vistas of opportunity could open up for a more fully human economy and society.
Hurricane (now Tropical Storm) Irene has put a drenching final touch on the surreal summer of 2011. With debt-ceiling games of chicken, stock market rollercoasterism, European insolvency (or is it illiquidity?), and general economic malaise buffeting us over the last few months, the familiar script of a natural phenomenon like Irene is almost welcome. At least with a problem like a hurricane, we know roughly what to do and how to react. We stock up on supplies, get our chores out of the way, and hope that the power stays on long enough to get through a good chunk of our Netflix queue. When the disastrous images start to roll in from the storm's landing points, we furrow our brows and call the relatives to make sure everything is okay. And then, more often than not, when the storm does not live up to the hype, we breathe a sigh of relief for the divine mercy. Or we chuckle that, once again, we got duped into panicking over another relative non-event. Damn that sensationalistic media!
Now, I'm not making light of the damage and suffering that hurricanes and other natural disasters can cause. I'm simply noting the familiarity of the script and the ensuing human responses.
When looking at the basic crappiness of our economic situation, however, similar comforting rituals are proving impossible to maintain. Oh sure, that doesn't stop our pundits and politicians from trotting them out. But it is becoming more and more difficult to find any type of familiar ideological mooring to which to cling, and it feels as if something truly awful is lurking around the next corner.
We are essentially painted into an operational corner, because of long trends in our economy, our politics, and our thinking. Here are the basic facts that are squelching meaningful discourse and action:
Granted, Eugene Robinson beat me to the punch this week, calling for liberals to craft a Big Idea that can compete with the conservative bumper sticker of "GUB'MINT BAD!" But to be fair to myself (I'm all about self-referential fairness, you know), I was banging this drum three years ago when I detailed the need for a New Narrative to transcend the partial and faulty stories told by both liberals and conservatives.
Robinson asserts, in his column and then on Morning Joe this week, that Republicans are winning the day on the debt ceiling debate because their message is consistent, simple, and powerful: taxes and government spending are bad, and should thus always and everywhere be reduced. This trope resonates with people, especially in a recession, because who really likes paying taxes? And when you see the clowns from both sides of the aisle mucking up this debt ceiling issue, who wouldn't agree that Big Gub'mint needs to be ushered gingerly to that Norquistian bathtub, post haste?
But as usual when liberals move from diagnosis to prescription, Robinson falls flat. What should the progressive response be to the big conservative idea? "I'd suggest something pithier: jobs, jobs, jobs. People may dislike paying taxes, but they dislike unemployment more."
Yeah, that's great. So brave.
Here's how that shtick plays out. Liberals say 'jobs, jobs, jobs,' and then move on to propose what? More stimulus of course, this time with robust jobs programs: direct government hiring, perhaps a new WPA, funding for retraining of the unemployed, infrastructure spending, investment in education, etc..
And what will the conservative response be? No f'in way!
That's the whole point of this current deadlock. Behind the simple conservative idea of cutting spending is a more sophisticated economic idea (wrong, but still noodle-engaging) that a bloated public sector 'crowds out' private investment and stifles growth. Liberals aren't going to get more spending for the triple-jobs thing (jobs, jobs, jobs) when Republicans are using the very failure of Obama's first stimulus package as a major plank of their 2012 campaigns. More federal spending is a non-starter.
And it's not just the Republicans anyway. The Democrats are reaping the whirlwind of the Blue Dog, DLC motif. Clintonistas of all stripes made a devil's bargain for campaign cash, and they are now stuck with the corrupt system they helped erect. When Democrats walked away from the underdog and the downtrodden, throwing their hats in with Big Finance, Big Pharma, Big TelCom, and other big-balled corporate entities, they locked themselves into a relentlessly algorithmic, boa constrictor of a lie: the idea that economic growth and business profitability are equivalent to social health. Once you equate dollars with civic virtue, relying on the sultans of profit to bankroll your political livelihood, you end up where we are right now: having national discussions in the deadly arena of debt ceilings, quantitative easing, curve-bending, and other nauseating financial arcana. Larry Summers and Cicero are light years apart.
Unfortunately, the ship has probably long since sailed on getting anything except business-boosterism from our national leaders. There are a few radical stalwarts, to be sure: the Sanderses and the Kuciniches and whatnot. And there are plenty of great liberal ideas out there on how to return government to the peeps: public financing of elections, instant-runoff voting, term limits, rolling back corporate personhood, etc. But there's virtually zero chance that these will gain any traction at the federal level. The pro-corporate substrate is too entrenched, and serious people in serious suits have too many ways of convincing us that what's good for Walmart and Exxon-Mobil is good for America.
So a pithy slogan of "jobs, jobs, jobs" is about as anemic as you can get for a future liberal revival. The perpetual growth thing is sunsetting. A new progressive Big Idea will need to come from the wilderness, from the barely-trodden paths of Peak Oil, decentralism, re-localization, and human ecology. The name of the game now is how to manage contraction. We're going to need to learn how to deal with the winding down of all of our complex systems, a phase that Jim Kunstler calls The Long Emergency.
Realistic pessimism like this does not mesh well with the stagecraft and soul-sucking bullshit of national American politics. So don't expect a Big Idea like this to be birthed from the White House Press Room or the Senate floor. The next big liberal ideal will likely emerge from the smoldering embers of our collapsed crap-culture.
Ironically, if the Tea Party set gets its way in the current debt debate, and then on into 2012, and the government really starts to shrink down, the door could actually be open for liberals to grab the ball and run with a full-scale plan for sane contraction, and perhaps for a transition to a different type of society altogether. We can hope.
It's Memorial Day weekend, 2011, and while most of the country just wants to shake off depressing news and hit the beach for a few months, skirmishes over debt ceilings, Medicare dismantling, and 'budget maturity' are still swirling around Washington and its mainstream media antechambers. Maybe it's just me, but lately I am drawn to the clash between Keynesian growth models and Austrian/austerian theories. I am certainly not a professional economist, or even a skilled novice, so I'll strive to not butcher things too badly.
In professional economic circles, from what I can gather, Austrian economics, after enjoying a heyday in the middle of the 20th century, has fallen out of mainstream economic discourse. Generally, the critics maintain that the Austrian school (Carl Menger, Ludwig von Mises, and Friedrich Hayek being the most famous figures) does not have a rigorous foundation with which to make predictions and test results. Austrian theorists tend to avoid the complex statistical models of the mainstream schools, preferring a quasi-philosophical approach that is more explicitly partisan with regard to human nature and political policy. And while most economists recognize that the Austrians have made some important contributions in areas like business cycles, monetary theory, and market pricing, the consensus is that the mainstream schools are much more relevant to the specific problems of the modern scene.
But still, some peculiarities of the moment are keeping Austrian ideas alive, perhaps beyond the level that they deserve -- but still, it's worth taking a look. Ron Paul, especially, is an avowed fan of the Austrian school, and he consistently draws heavy support from conservative ground troops, especially the Tea Party set. And of course, the austerity approaches to the current Great Recession are only going to gather momentum, as the job market contracts and the tax base for large centralized federal structures shrivels. Everything seems to be narrowing down to a Stimulus vs. Downsizing contest, and the outcome is not simply for wonks.
Okay, so what is this Austrian stuff all about? Again, I am not an economist, so please pardon any errors, and don't hesitate to email me at jeremy@postpeakliberal.com if I mess up too badly. My intention is to give a fair and concise summary of some of the main Austrian ideas; and as with much conservative thought, I find myself sympathetic to the overall approach, if not the policy particulars.
That's all we have time for, for now -- but it's a good enough start. You get the idea. These main concepts all fit into the overall Austrian worldview, which is that the free market is the best arbiter of value and allocator of resources. Centralized federal planning interferes with free individuals acting in their own interests via the marketplace. Fans of Austrian economics thus tend to embrace Libertarian politics and the shrinking of the state. Ron Paul is impressively consistent is his call for dismantling all aspects of the bloated imperial federal government, including the military.
If the Great Recession continues for regular working people (remember that the recession officially ended a few quarters ago, as businesses started growing again, sans increased payrolls), the Austrian/austerian argument will gain traction. The Keynesian idea that in times of sluggish demand and federal deficits, the government actually needs to spend a lot more on stimulus to pick up the slack, just seems wrong (even though it's probably correct). The false metaphor between government spending and a household (you can't spend more than you take in, right?) is just too easy and seductive, especially in our perennial election-season political landscape. It's much easier to convince people that the responsible thing for politicians to do is cut spending, as opposed to hiking taxes.
I don't think that austerity and spending cuts will work, in the sense that conservatives want them to. Shrinking government will not result in the private sphere rushing in to fill up all the available space. Businesses are actually awash in cash right now, and corporate profits have been surging for the last three quarters. As Krugman and other Keynesian suggest, we really are in a low-demand liquidity trap. Companies that are already doing well with trimmed payrolls are not going to sink huge sums into new projects and products when the demand forecast is so bleak. They will play it safe and put their profits into dividends and super-safe investments like treasuries. Why take huge gambles?
But one final point about the Austrians and growth, something which I think enhances their relevance. The point is that growth for growth's sake is not a worthy goal. Consider this quote:
"The grand-scale interventions that are performed by monetary and fiscal policy in the name of growth and stability disrupt and misguide the plans for the individual, and they distort the decisions at the business level. The application of macroeconomic growth models has caused havoc when economic leaders naively adopted the interventionist creed and believe that it just takes the handling of a few economic policy instruments – like easy money or government expenditures -- to achieve the blissful state of economic plenty." (Anthony P Mueller, "What's Wrong with Economic Growth?", http://mises.org/daily/1877)
I read this to mean that the economy exists to serve deeper human needs, like freedom, fulfillment, self-reliance, and dignity. To make everything in a society serve the endgame of growth flips this equation on its head, and people become the economy's servants ('road to serfdom'). In this sense, the Austrians, who specifically deny that everything can be captured via mathematical models, hearken back to an older conception of economics as a part of social philosophy. Economists are thus less scientists and more public philosophers, with important things to say about what an economy is actually for. And I think that is a worthy idea.
Where I diverge from the Austrians is in their conception of human nature itself. Reading through some contemporary Austrians' stuff (I get the daily blog from mises.org), you get a sense of the kind of junk libertarian philosophy that, to me, represents a hopelessly outdated understanding of human motivation and human nature. A lot of this thinking comes out of the Robert Nozick social contract tradition, which hearkens back to Hobbes and even Aristotle. I have never found these theories to be particularly useful, as they have been rendered completely obsolete by actual discoveries in anthropology, archeology, and human ecology. In short, we are social primates whose brains and hearts still belong to the Pleistocene, and all social and political thought needs to proceed from those foundations. I know that this is not a particularly popular view, and will almost certainly prove impossible to integrate into contemporary politics. But without this understanding, all programs are destined for the dustbin anyway, and we will eventually taste nature's revenge for our lost self-knowledge. We'll be left to work out new modes of being throughout the Long Emergency.
The Republic continues to hang by a few tenuous threads. As the corporate-based economy continues its insulated 'recovery,' the rest of us muddle through with depressed wages, cratered home values, uncertain career paths, and general free-floating national nausea. In a telling sign of the gulf that exists between the controllers of business and their salaried minions, the most recent Deloitte CFO Survey indicated that corporate chieftains are optimistic about the future, but do not plan on adding significant employee headcounts until revenue gains of 20% are realized.
What does this mean? It means that the incredible upward concentration of wealth has afforded big business a lot of breathing room to weather hard times. Let's remember that the economy has trebled since 1980, but regular households are in the exact same spot as they were in that first year of the Reagan ascendancy. The loot has moved upwards, Gilded Age style, and for a while, the cloud lords allowed the unwashed to purchase a piece of the dream via extra household breadwinners, maxed-out plastic, and cartoon-valued McMansions.
But that overleveraged fantasy is now toast, and large companies have reeled in that portion of the red carpet that used to roll out of the luxury boxes into the slob-strewn mezzanine. Big Bid'ness doesn't need to prop up domestic employment or demand any further than is absolutely necessary to turn a healthy profit. And in today's world of globalized production, large labor surpluses, and tax-haven stashing of cash, the masters of the productive universe are plenty satisfied with the way things are now. And let's not forget that high-flying Wall Street finance, the prime mover of the recent collapse, has emerged virtually unscathed and pure of heart, occupying around 30% of the economic landscape while actually contrubuting less than 10% to overall national productive value.
Ironically, as I covered in my last post, the blame for the Great Recession has now been slight-of-handed off of free-wheeling, unregulated finance, and onto the very central government that prevented full-scale collapse. In this revisionist interpretation, the quick recovery of large corporations is ample evidence of the general health of the business world vis-a-vis Big Gub'Mint. In reality, of course, the horrid federal government pulled the 'business community's' nuts out of the thresher with bailouts, buyouts, trillions in discount-window money, and every other manner of subsidy and tax incentive. The toxic waste and future risk created by the reckless private sphere were sucked up into the federal maw, and then laid at the feet of the American taxpayer, rotting and diseased.
This is the background against which Paul Ryan and President Obama are now playing chicken with their alternate budget proposals. Each side engages in Kabuki finance, pretending that their 10 or 12 or 30-year plans are really something more that just annual placeholder shots in the dark. I've always had a hard time understanding why our national politicians are continually putting forth these long-range scenarios, when it is obvious that every Congress and Administration starts from scratch with a new vision anyway. So what's the point? It is as if every President and Congressional leader has to create the temporary illusion that they are more than just a rented lackey for the permanent Washington power structure. They need to delude themselves that they are more long-lasting than the armies of lobbyists and thinktankers who swarm the Hill decade after decade. So lofty prognostications are made about America in 2050, and about how awesome it will be in that future decade, if we can just enact the benificent budget under consideration. It's all bullshit.
So now we're in one of those narrative dead ends, where each party is squirming around in the same ideological cocoon, selling us the tired shtick that their opponents are so obviously wrong about everything. We've got Paul Ryan and other Republicans pounding the lectern with their 'seriousness,' promising everyone that this time, finally, they will be the ones to succeed in shrinking government, cutting spending, and returning Ayn Randian producers back to their lofty perch. Memo to these GOP true believers: the 'producers' already control everything, and they get plenty of juicy pulp out of the 'parasites' with the current status quo.
On the 'other side,' Obama and the pseudoliberals promise that their seriousness is the real McCoy. See how 'the economy' is already getting better? That must mean that the adult policies of the current administration are working their magic, even if the bulk of us workers are mired in a perennial state of lagging indicator-ness.
Nothing good will come out of the current budget battles. Sure, we'll probably get some 11th hour compromise, and each side will be able to posture as the mature ones who softened their hard stances to save Grannie Pureheart from losing her prescription for restless brain syndrome. The conflict will provide a built-in excuse for straying from ideological purity, as well as a rallying cry for raising lots of lucre for the next round of electoral horseraces.
What is also likely, however, is that we'll get a significant rightward movement in the makeup of the federal budget. It will probably not actually shrink very much, because that is not really anyone's goal. But the money will slosh away from social insurance (stupidly and Orwellianly mislabeled 'entitlements') and more toward straight-up pork for defense contractors, pharmaceutical companies, and Wall Street necromancers. After all, if the John Galts of the world are to be convinced to stay and save us puny, parasitical wage-slaves, we'll have to shovel as much cash as we can into their awesomely-righteous endeavors.
Sorry for the delay in posting -- been a busy year so far. Well, not so much busy as just covered with endless layers of snow and ice. The mid-winter doldrums are in full force, and I find myself looking at tropical vacation prices on Expedia for a couple hours a day.
OK, let's get to it. Before we get to all that positive stuff that I was promising a couple posts ago, we should look at all of the deficit busting stuff that's swirling around out there. Now that we have a wonderful mixed government, 'working together' has become the mantra of the major parties. So Obama pays a visit to the US Chamber of Commerce, to soothe the sensitive nerves of the country's plutocrats. And Speaker SprayTan is suddenly impressed with the Socialist President's willingness to roll up his sleeves and tackle the 'tough choices' of government waste.
The news cycle pundit winds are carrying the public discussion towards these general themes: cutting spending, tackling 'entitlements,' reigning in public unions and pensions, and dismantling Obamacare. As usual, the dreaded albatrosses of Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid are tossed about as the biggest threats to our future. I saw some GOP knucklehead bragging about the pie chart that he was handing out to freshmen Congressional reps, showing how these dreaded entitlement programs were going to drag down the entire national budget within a few years. Of course, aside from Ron Paul, Joe Scarborough, and the usual raft of lefties, very little is said about our military entitlement programs, which guarantee to private contractors endless no-bid contracts, occupation-industrial dollars, and virtually no fiscal oversight.
Obviously, government budgets are in trouble at almost every level. The federal government is running a large debt. States, many of which cannot legally run deficits, are slashing everything in sight, demonizing public unions in the process, as if their legal, signed contracts are now somehow greedy graft. Localities are struggling to keep cops, teachers, and firefighters employed. And I would imagine that the pothole-to-pristine pavement ratio is the worst that it has been in decades.
So what's really going on with government spending? Don't we need to tighten belts everywhere? Do we need to raise the retirement age to 80?
First, let's look at federal spending as a share of US GDP, for the last hundred years or so.
Obviously, the relative size of the federal government has been slowly growing, as compared to the entire US economy. And yes, we do see a spike in the last few years. But much of that surge has been, well -- the actual surge. We have probably spent, conservatively, $1.2 trillion on the occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan -- and it doesn't look like we're rushing out of either place any time soon. In a global context, the US represents around half of the world's military spending.
Even so, the size of the US government as a share of GDP is not outlandish, in comparison to other countries, industrialized or otherwise. We're essentially in the middle of the pack, spending more than African countries, South American nations, and Japan, but less than most of the European social democracies. But of course, it's the increasing debt that is really the problem, as we're hearing all over the place now. Here is the history of the US deficit, again as a share of GDP:
Again, we see an uncomfortable uptick in the last 10 years or so, and likely an undeserved projections of a decline over the next few years.
So we've got a slowly growing federal sector, and an accompanying federal deficit to go along with it. Why? Well, we've obviously hit a rough patch for tax revenues. But in general, federal revenues are also growing along with the spending. They're just not growing at the same rate:
Notice the significant trough that appears with the Great Recession. Not a surprise. Less growth, less tax revenue. But the government cannot contract with the lost revenue, as contracts and commitments must be honored through time. Thus the deficits and burgeoning federal debt.
As far as how to fix the deficit and reduce the national debt, I really don't have a horse in the race. In general, I think that the federal government should, and will, shrink. Long-term unemployment and underemployment will completely restructure the labor market for good, and the 'natural' rate will probably settle in the 10% range. That's the official number. The real ratio, including discouraged workers and people in the prison system, will probably settle in around 20 to 25% -- for a long time. It will eventually dawn on us that this huge swath of people is not just lazy or under-trained. Rather, the nature of technology and production will simply make full-scale employment an untenable basis on which to construct our social, cultural, and economic institutions.
We really do need to start shrinking all aspects of federal spending, using the concept of subsidiarity: that is, functions should be performed at the smallest level possible, while still preserving efficiency. But if the direct financial size of government shrinks, the legislative, judicial, and regulatory functioning needs to become much more creative and bold, to preserve some equity and fairness as power is devolved.
When liberty comes with hands dabbed in blood it is hard to shake hands with her.
-- Oscar Wilde
But I say to you -- love your enemies, bless those cursing you, do good to those hating you, and pray for those accusing you falsely, and persecuting you.
-- Jesus (Matthew 5:44)
A couple years ago, I posted a piece called "All the Rage." I posited some reasons why rage seems to have become the leitmotif of American political discourse. I threw out some thoughts on Rush Limbaugh and Jon Stewart (yes, there is a lot of liberal rage out there too, lefties), but I really didn't get at some of the most important topics. Well, now that I'm so much older and wiser (and wider), I'll take another go at it.
Of course, standard boilerplate entrance to the subject: the crazed, evil murders in Tucson from January 8th, when Jared Loughner opened fire on a crowd of people in front of a grocery store, killing 6 and injuring 13 more.
I actually don't have too much to say on this particular subject. I generally agree with the conservative trope, because the shooter was clearly insane. He just as easily could have opened fire on a bunch of nuns or a boy scout troop, had the psychological trigger been slightly different. There's no need to lay the actions of a lunatic at the feet of Sarah Palin or Glenn Beck. However, I also agree with a couple of the standard liberal takes on the situation: background checks for gun purchasers should be more vigorous; large, semi-automatic clips should be heavily regulated; and the total abandonment of funding for public mental health will inevitably result in more of these catastrophes.
But of course, the real political haymaker coming out of Tucson is the whole issue of "civil public discourse." Even though we can't blame Loughner's actions on watching too many episodes of the O'Reilly Factor, it is certainly fair game to take stock of the lack of compassion and cooperation in our mainstream media and among most of our national leaders. Is all of the name-calling and overblown outrage a major driver of the public's anger? Or is it merely a reflection of the dominant mood of the masses themselves?
In my view, the source of the public's rage is not manufactured. It is real, and is a symptom of other underlying conditions. Rage is a byproduct. It is churned forth from even deeper emotional stirrings: feelings like anxiety, jealousy, impotence, inadequacy, ignorance, etc. In its current public incarnation, I believe that most of the rage comes from one basic fact: while the US economy has roughly doubled since 1980, wages and household income have been virtually flat for the vast majority of our workers. People are working longer and harder, and playing by the rules, and they just keep falling behind. The bubble economy is toast, and people see nothing stretched out in front of them but years of debt servicing, rising prices, and dwindling options for their children.
Into this swamp of discontent wade our two main political parties. Theoretically, it would be great if our leaders could show strength and courage in helping their electors through hard times. You know, Churchill, Roosevelt -- nothing to fear but fear itself -- that kind of stuff. Give us some type of realistic national goal toward which we can aim. Tell us the truth, whether it's comfortable or not, and treat us like adults.
Unfortunately, in the age of $200 million campaigns, 50-to-1 lobbyist-to-Congressperson ratios, and post-Citizens United fundraising rules, it is impossible to deny any longer that the GOP and the Democrats have become unsalvageable water-carriers for big business. There is only one acceptable sociopolitical worldview left in Washington, albeit with two different hues. There may be different proposed ways to get there, but both parties envision a return to robust economic growth, pro-business trade policies, pro-wealth tax structures, maximum consumption, etc.
Sure, the parties portray themselves as ideologically opposed. Republicans have recently taken up the Ayn Rand-Grover Nordquist banner, vowing to bring fiscal restraint and spending freezes to the federal government. Sure. And Democrats are painting themselves as the technocratic, adult saviors of the economy, pulling society back from the brink of depression, a situation that was caused by GOP recklessness.
In reality, reality itself is driving the bus now. The brutal equations of the American Algorithm are tightening their grip on our unsustainable way of life, and the Dems and GOP are surviving by telling just-so stories to fulfill their only remaining functions; which are......raising cash for campaigns, winning elections with those funds, and delivering legislative largesse for the largest donors (see my Midterm Post-Mortem for more details).
In this electioneering context, we can see that the two major parties have taken a dangerous gamble by harnessing free-floating public anxiety over the economy, and turning it into campaign rage. Instead of looking at the big picture of our myriad predicaments, and making some stab at an overarching plan to put America on a truly sustainable path, both the GOP and the Dems are content with demonizing the opposition and blaming them for obstructing the true path of righteous recovery. The key here is that neither policy program can really work. The John Galt, starve-the-beast dream and the glittering, green progresso-topia are both impossible to fulfill, given the ratios of labor to technology to ecological collapse.
Sure, we'll likely get smaller government and a greener economy -- but this will happen on the planet's terms, by default, and not by some super-heroic ideological wunder-platform. But for fundraising and publicity purposes, this is not a good story for our political machines to admit. Instead, the non-functionality of their policies needs to be explained via obstruction and sabotage from the other side. 'If only those d-bags would stop blocking everything, we'd already have XYZ by now.' In this respect, I would imagine that both Obama and the GOP are actually relieved to have a split Congress. Now, as conditions for ordinary Americans continue to deteriorate, even amidst the thriving of the plutocracy, each side can throw up their hands at the intractability of partisan politics and obstruction. This is indeed a dangerous game to play, and public rage will just continue to build.
As infuriating as the above scenario is, it's hard to really blame our major parties for the quagmire. Sure, each side is playing us for fools; but there are long trends at work here. The Dems and GOP are really only fulfilling the destiny laid down by American political evolution. If we really want our major parties to function differently, then we would need to make huge changes in electoral structure (proportional representation), electoral machinery (instant runoff voting), campaign finance reform (full public funding of elections), and legal definitions of corporations (limiting Bill of Rights protections to natural persons). If changes like that are not made, then the parties will continue to function as they do.
The final piece of the puzzle in our discussion of public rage is the punditocracy. We're talking here about the Rush Limbaughs, the Keith Olbermanns, the Sean Hannitys, and even the Jon Stewarts. Of course, there is a broad spectrum of tactics and outlook here, from long hours of redundant talk radio time to tightly-crafted sketch comedy. But the key common denominator is the fusion of entertainment, politics, and education. 'Now wait a minute,' you might say. 'I get the entertainment and the politics, but what's the deal with education?'
The educational component is really key to unlocking the rage-increasing potential of punditry. We all know the discouraging calculus of the entertainification of politics: shorter and shorter sound-bites, the rise of confrontational styles to boost ratings, the blind spots when it comes to critiquing advertisers, the general business-friendly avoidance of pro-union or anti-consumerism material, the horse-race mentality of election coverage with its perennial jerking off of the swing voter. The list goes on.
But in the world of pundits specifically, there has been this fascinating turn to teaching and education, a portrayal of opponents as ignorant, and of oneself as enlightened and 'in the know.' Think of Glenn Beck's blackboards; or Sarah Palin's smirking superiority over the wisdom of the common man; or Keith Olbermann's bloviating attempts at reincarnating the weight of Edward R. Murrow; or Rachel Maddow's highly-cultivated wonkishness. Not content to simply be news readers and entertainers, our pundits are now our digital professors, conducting seminars on the Constitution, or health care legislation, or the true mind of John and Jane Q Public. And the books -- god, they turn out a lot of books.
So what gives? Why are pundits not satisfied with calling the other side a bunch of big fat idiots any more? Why the turn to chalkboards and pie charts? There's a couple things going on here. First is the desensitization of the viewing public to conflict and spectacle. Sure, berating the bozos on the other side of the aisle is fun at first. But eventually, it gets old. After all, talk radio and cable news are not as inherently-entertaining as other cultural artifacts. People who like conflict and confrontation can find a lot more inspiring stuff in sports, daytime drama, American Idol, blockbuster movies, Survivor, and the like. You can only call Obama a socialist so many times before the listener says, 'OK, I get it -- now what? What else you got for me?'
The second, and more important, phenomenon is that pundits suffer from the same ideological impotence as our two major parties, as described above. Rush Limbaugh and Keith Olbermann suffer from the same kind of narrative defect, largely because they are themselves part of that same electioneering-industrial complex that exists only to fuel the horserace. In this sense, the pundits turn to education is both a mirror image of, and a direct conduit into, the political partisan strategy of blaming the other side for obstruction. In Washington, there is too much professional decorum to actually accuse your opponents of being stupid, but that same restriction does not apply in the punditocracy.
Because the audience for punditry has no official legislative responsibilities themselves, beyond voting, the educational project also serves as a kind of secular calling. People who think that their opponents are not just wrong, but also ignorant, can take up the cross of righteous pedagogy. This is especially evident in the Tea Party, a wide-ranging movement of cranks, patriots, and Medicare-dependent boomers, united perhaps only by the belief that they have the most direct intellectual link to the founding fathers, and are thus responsible for educating the ignorant liberal classes about the true meaning of America.
In a very real sense, this faux-educational harnessing of American free-floating rage is perhaps the most dangerous development of all, with regards to the possibility of civil public discourse. Why? First, because it completely destroys the real importance of intellectual training. Sure, people may get information from Bill O'Reilly or Rachel Maddow. They may get a lot of it. But what is the overall context for that information? True education is a grueling endeavor, a lifelong project. Beyond just childhood schooling and college, which themselves must be of high quality (and mostly aren't), real intellectual development in adulthood requires some very specific commitments. People need to approach learning with a totally open mind, especially when it comes to physical and social sciences. Contradictory material and results cannot just be swept under the rug. Diverse data need to be incorporated into malleable models of reality. One has to be forever willing to change one's viewpoint, based on new experiences or information. True education requires setting aside large blocs of time, to ingest a significant volume of stuff, like books and journals and lectures. And perhaps most of all, a proper education spawns, (gasp), a more tolerant view of diversity. As one learns more, the intellectual tent gets bigger.
None of these facets of education are fed by the fake teaching-stylings of the pundits. And in fact, the opposite things usually happen: interaction becomes more course, minds become narrowed, time for understanding opposing parties dwindles to nil. Smugness is augmented to ridiculous proportions, as intellectual wannabes pretend that their 10-minute chalkboard seminar on the religious leanings of James Madison has transformed them into a virtual 10th Justice of the Supreme Court. The frustrations over having a shitty job, an underwater mortgage, and a halved 401K are salved by feelings of moral superiority over those poindexters from Cambridge. As Quint said to Hooper, "Well, it proves one thing, Mr. Hooper. It proves that you wealthy college boys don't have the education enough to admit when you're wrong."
If we really want some type of education on the problems we're facing in this country, we had better not look to our corporate politicians, or to their remora-like appendages, the suddenly-professorial pundits. We're going to need a lot more intellectual heft and boldness in our policy prescriptions than this cohort can deliver.
Last time, we looked at how the emerging Tea Party movement will likely make a large impact on federal policy in the upcoming years. As the economy continues its 'jobless recovery,' the stark disparity between what is good for Big Business and what is good for regular people will become more undeniable. The Republican establishment will finally find itself unable to co-opt the rage of the conservative base, and the resulting outcry for a downsized federal government will gather momentum. Ayn Rand will continue her unwarranted return to prominence, as politicians of all stripes ride the Tea Party waves of unrest, and calls for cutting off the parasites and leeches will become louder and shriller. Unfortunately, if the political winds carry us towards this John Galt style of downsizing, the results will be gruesome, and the American experiment will quickly be rent asunder.
So what looks like a common sense middle ground alternative to partisan extremism is in actuality a dangerous radicalism itself. The irrational desire for theological laissez-faire to be true, regardless of what economic history and experience actually demonstrate, is likely to result in pathological scapegoating and pretzelish rationalization, as the hoped-for capitalist utopia fails to materialize. A crueller culture will surely emerge, with the swelling poor (the former middle-class) having to find new ways of eking out an existence, cobbling together spotty official employment and black-economy enterprises. The Ayn Rand set will surely say that this pain is just transitional, as wide swaths of over-dependent Americans get weaned off of their socialist laziness.
As we have seen many times on this blog, you could drive a tractor trailer through the blind spot in this type of conservative thinking. The idea that Big Government is on one side, hampering the entrepreneurial activities of righteous businesses (of all sizes) on the other side, is utter nonsense. Big Government and Big Business have essentially fused, and have designed an all-encompassing system that rewards and consolidates their own bigness. To think that shrinking down the federal government will somehow fix the problem of concentrated private power is the highest level of delusion. The corporate power-set will find ways to preserve its position, regardless of the explicit 'size' of the government itself. Tea Party downsizing will not in and of itself reignite a broader spread of resources.
That being said, I do think that we are headed for profound downscaling in our economy and society. Government at all levels must shrink, as will most other arenas of centralized power. In this sense, our ways of organizing will become more medieval and dispersed, and the local community will take center stage in the next American chapter. Readers can peruse other pieces in this blog (especially the posts on Community Living) for a fuller picture of what these arrangements might look like.
But the question for this series of posts is: In the present Tea Party moment, when all of the momentum is towards downsizing, what should liberals propose as the proper role of the federal government? Right now, Obama and other Dems are really lost at sea. They're taking a huge gamble that the return of economic growth will (shit, must) eventually trickle down to the hiring process and get people back to work. In short, they're desperately clinging to the notion that the current recession is just another chapter in the normal business cycle. Sure, it's a bad one, and a long one, and is the result of some disastous policy trends. But certainly, if that Holy Grail indicator of GDP continues to nudge upwards, how can the labor markets and our global partners/competitors not respond in a positive way? After all, almost everyone, even China, wants the US to return to full economic health, so that global inventories will have someplace to go.
It is only in this light that Obama's seeming wishy-washiness makes sense, especially on the issue of the Bush-era tax cuts. As this past week demonstrated, it's starting to look like the Dems will acquiesce on these cuts altogether, extending them for everyone for at least a couple years. Sure, they know that this will blow a huge hole in the budget. But I think that they're so convinced that economic growth will finally spark job creation that they are willing to take the tax cut hit because they think that overall revenues will rise as 'the recovery' takes hold. Then of course, they will ride the tide of economic rejuvenation to electoral triumph in 2012, despite all the Republican obstruction.
A dangerous gamble, and I'm fairly sure it will fail. We just had a horrific November jobs report --job creation was anemic, and the baseline unemployment rate went back up to 9.8%. And perhaps even more telling, almost 42% of the unemployed, a full 6.3 million people, are long-term -- that is, they have been out of work for over 27 weeks. What we're seeing is that corporations and other large businesses, especially banks and financial companies (gee, how did that happen?), are able to do perfectly well without rehiring at significant levels. This seems to portend a long future of scaled-back labor ratios, a full-blown rearrangement of work within our culture and economy.
So what should liberals be looking at for policy recommendations? What is realistic in today's political landscape? Well certainly, pleadings of Paul Krugman notwithstanding, more stimulus is off the table. That ship has sailed, and things would have to get to Depression-Era desperation levels for another significant stimulus package to happen. And even then, who knows? Also, as we're seeing, significant tax increases on the wealthy and on large corporations are not going to happen either. Let's keep in mind that almost everything that everyone talks about with regards to this crisis would be utterly moot if the United States was willing to engage in so-called 'class warfare' and tax the super-rich at rates that make sense. If the wealthy and powerful were taxed at levels that even remotely correspond to the value that they take out of the national economy, then we'd be fine. But of course, the main result of the federal government's capture by corporate America is that tax and business law is explicitly written to shunt money upwards. It's just not conceivable that all of this pro-corporate legislation will be scrapped by the very politicians who continually surf the waves of corporate cash into office year after year.
So with stimulus and tax hikes off the table, what's left for liberals to espouse? A difficult question to be sure, and I'm certainly not qualified to answer fully, being a layman. But here are some ideas:
Well, that's enough for now. But you get the drift. Democrats need to find a way to harness the rising popular desire for downsizing, tax cutting, and budget busting. They just need to turn the smaller pools of money toward endeavors that actually stand a chance of helping people, instead of just throwing them on the pyre of Ayn Randian insanity. At every step, Dems should work with sympathetic conservatives, including Tea Partiers, to get real proposals on the table. And Dems should be ready to plead their case in every public forum possible, showing how they have a true decentralizing agenda that will work. Liberals should portray themselves as the smart devolvers, with things of real value to contribute to the one-sided Tea Party platform.
Of course, this will necessitate Obama and his buddies finally giving up the idea that economic growth will someday magically kick in and return us to the former life of full employment and maximum consumption. That truly is a Utopia, in that it exists nowhere.
Last time, we looked at the problem with this emerging trope: 'Americans are tired of conservative and liberal extremism, and they're looking for the Common Sense Middle Ground.' We saw that this is really an electioneering ploy by the two major political parties, which have no remaining purpose other than running campaigns and delivering quid pro quo largesse for large donors. The common sense middle ground myth is a convenient cover story for supposed partisan gridlock, when in actuality our federal politicians constitute a brutally-efficient machine for shunting money and power upwards to our Gilded Age power elite. And finally, we touched on how this idea that the two major parties have become polarized by extremism (when really they are in lockstep on the main policy imperatives of economic growth, full employment, and maximum consumption) is a distraction from a more important potential divide: Ayn Randian, Tea Party dystopianism vs. a yet-to-be-fully-articulated approach to purposeful, community-centered decentralism.
The winds of the Long Emergency are picking up strength, and an array of historical trends will soon impose a much more austere, limited future for us. And in these circumstances, what is decidedly not needed is a more cautious, middle-of-the-road approach. We really do need to break out of the bi-partisan consensus on what constitutes economic recovery, in favor of a much more radical, 'extremist' approach to our predicament. The big question is whether we will steer towards a John Galtish dream for a simple laissez-faire utopia that can never exist in reality, or towards something that makes more sense, given the conditions that are likely to exist on the ground. So let's get at it.
In January, the victorious Tea Partiers from the mid-terms will assume a high-profile position of power in the new Congress. Even though they will have to work with 'establishment Republicans,' the general drift of the American populace towards Tea Party sentiment ensures that these new Congressmen and Congresswomen will get more media attention than they deserve and a non-proportional share of political power. As many on the Left have pointed out, this might create a conundrum for the Republican power-brokers. How can the GOP harness the rhetorical popularity of the Tea Party, but not get swept up in the actual consequences of their program, which would strip down the federal government and likely lead to a lot more economic misery? Let's remember, as the Republican Young Gun Eric Cantor admits, recent history demonstrates that the GOP under Dubya was just as willing to swell the size of the federal budget as were the Dems. So how do establishment Republicans accustomed to swollen rivers of federal cash adjust to the Tea Party push for smaller government? Will the Tea Partiers just get co-opted by the entrenched system of lobbyists and graft, and get with the program? Will downsizing and deficit-cutting fervor get swept aside by the practical exigencies of reelection fundraising and the complexities of navigating the corporate-owned halls of Congress?
I don't think so. The Tea Party has more momentum than most people might think, and as economic conditions continue to stagnate and deteriorate, their platform of grievance will resonate even more. And sure, the Tea Party might be a scattershot collection of sprawling, unconnected organizations; but that is certainly only temporary. I think that the new Tea Party contingent in Congress will actually fuse with the establishment GOP structure, and the result will be a solid, purposeful drive towards an Ayn Randian program of tax cuts, deficit reduction, social insurance gutting, and general government downsizing.
How will this happen, when the results will almost certainly be increased unemployment, accelerated home foreclosures, surging poverty, and a basic collapse of middle class economic security? How can the GOP actually spin the privatization of Social Security, the dismantling of Obamacare (I don't see any way that Obama's medical plan survives the new conservative arrangement of public opinion), and the cascading collapse of government services at all levels, as every tax base fizzles in a relentless feedback loop of decline?
I think it happens through an Ayn Rand, 'Atlas Shrugged' rationalization narrative. Say what? What does a sprawling, 1950s-era dystopian novel have to do with our current situation? Quite a lot, I think. First, a quick recap of 'Atlas Shrugged' (for a longer treatment, check out my old post, "The Capitalist Rapture"). In a quasi, near-future America, the heroic John Galt, an unbelievably brilliant, handsome, industrious, and charismatic businessman, sets up a secret utopian community in the mountains of Colorado, and begins luring other great businessmen away from mainstream society to come live in his capitalist Eden. He does this because the wider American scene has become corrupt and irrevocably-spoiled, thanks to a huge socialist government. All of the successful captains of industry, the true masters of the universe, are being bankrupted by the unproductive leeches of need. The true motor of the world, in Rand's telling, is rational, self-interested, creative production. The enemy is the meddling complex of Big Government: force, need, and the tyranny of mysticism. John Galt, after heroically trying to make the world see the folly of interference with individual agency, finally gives up on the whole rotten parasitical thing, picks up his marbles, and retreats to his mountain lair, where he and his awesomely-righteous brethren will rebuild society after the wider American landscape goes to hell and collapses.
Now in my view (see link above to the full treatment), "Atlas Shrugged," which Rand called her most important work (after its completion, she stopped writing novels, and turned to the role of public philosopher), is staggeringly mediocre, and is riddled with historical ignorance and philosophical naivete. She vastly overestimates the novelty and importance of her own ideas, but she tries to make up for it by endless repetition of the same simplistic, banal concepts.
But surprisingly, or perhaps unsurprisingly, some of our mainstream political leaders actually find value in Rand's formulation, and truly believe that it is a valid, useful depiction of how the American future will unfold. Alan Greenspan has been the highest-profile disciple of Rand, but Clarence Thomas is also an admirer, and her novels continue to rank high on many lists of the world's most important literature.
Amongst the Tea Party set, Ron Paul and Young Gun Paul Ryan are even more relevant Rand Fans. Ryan especially, as a significant power-broker in Congress, is instructive (he's the probable new Chairman of the House Budget committee). He sees the ultimate battle in America as one of Individualism vs. Collectivism, and the latter has polluted government and society to such an extent that it will take decades to purge the system. Ryan wants to exorcize this collectivist poison by privatizing Social Security, changing Medicare to a private voucher program, and freezing all non-military federal spending. Ryan sees this project as taking decades, and as ultimately very painful. But that is the John Galtian price to pay for building a society based on looting the productive for the benefit of the parasitical.
As I noted in my longer treatment of "Atlas Shrugged," there is a strong element of apocalyptic rapture thinking in Rand's formulation, a la the "Left Behind" books. The idea of a small, righteous remnant, persecuted by the lazy and sinful, percolates all through this movement. When confronted with the messy maelstrom that is typical of a huge national conglomerate of 300 million people, there is a powerful temptation to cut through all complexity by retreating to a comfortable ideology, wherein the masses will crash and burn, and ultimately, magically 'go away.' And those that are left will reinhabit the planet in a righteous, spotless way.
Now of course, Randian disciples cannot so openly fuse rapture thinking and John Galt schaudenfraude over societal collapse. Practical politicians cannot hope for the absolute pauperization or straight-up elimination of the parasitical masses. So they ultimately must rationalize the pain that will come out of systematic dismantling of the welfare-state as just a necessary bridge to a more mature, fulfilling future. Once we come out on the other side, stripped of our dependence on collectivist boondoggles, we will morph into an economy of powerful, productive, rational citizens. We won't be able to look for handouts and giveaways any more, so we'll have to sink or swim by our own sweat and brainpower.
This is how I think the Tea Party dismantling of the non-military side of the federal budget will unfold: as a necessarily-painful process that will transition us from collectivist dependence on leeching government giveaways to a more 'American' economy of sleeve up-rolling and gumption-packed bootstrapping.
Of course, this prescription will be disastrous, because the diagnosis is wrong. But as the economy continues its decline for regular people (as opposed to corporate profits, which are already recovered to high levels), it will be harder and harder for establishment pols to hold off the sea change of opinion for deficit reduction, tax breaks, and government downsizing. Unfortunately, there will be no capitalist Shangri-La on the other side of this purging of collectivist structures. Heroic, entrepreneurial individuals have never been the story behind capitalism or economic growth, and they won't be the future foundation for a laissez-faire American Atlantis. But in order to counter this drift towards Ayn Randian apocalypse, we will need an equally 'extremist' interpretation of our own, one that goes far beyond the irrational desire for a return to a hyper-consumptive 'normal.' We'll need to recognize the decentralizing trends that are ultimately unavoidable, crafting another vision for life after bloated central governance.
Next Time -- Part 3: Waxing Medieval.
"Mr. Vaughn, what we are dealing with here is a perfect engine, an eating machine. It's really a miracle of evolution. All this machine does is swim and eat and make little sharks, and that's all."
-- Hooper (Jaws, 1975)
Just because there doesn't seem to be anyone else doing any post-election analysis, I guess it falls to me to interpret what happened. Man, I wish those lazy pundits would pay attention to elections once in a while. Not a peep out of 'em. It's like the Mid-Terms never happened.
OK, enough with the lame jokes (you can see why I don't make a living as a comedy writer). On to what actually went down on Tuesday (and beyond, for some of the closer races).
First and most obviously, Tuesday was a repudiation of something. But of what? Was it liberalism in general that was rejected? Or just incumbents? Or maybe the "socialist" Obama agenda? Or was it just one giant, steaming pile of "NO" flung at the gates of Washington? Is this a sign that the country is continuing its sensible, rightward tack, finally giving up on the utopian dreams of FDR and the flower children? Or are the people just so pissed with everything coming out of our capitol that they will simply vote for anything that seems different, and against anything that smacks of the familiar?
Liberal analysts will point to several rationalizing/hopeful factors to sidestep the notion that the country is rejecting Lefty-ism. Sitting presidents always lose seats in the mid-terms. Sure, Obama's party did much worse than usual, but economic conditions on the ground were more to blame than anything policy-wise. To wit, the actual approval rating of the GOP (24%) is worse than the ratings for Obama and even the Democratic party. On the ideological side of things, the Progressive Caucus in the House actually did very well (only 3 out of 80 seats lost), unlike the compromising Blue Dogs, who got sliced in half. This allegedly shows that Democrats would be better off veering left, not right, to actually present some kind of coherent alternative to the GOP.
All of these justifications and explanations from the left do make some sense. But it's also hard to ignore that voters went for Republicans at every level. The GOP picked up 11 governorships, and also gained control of more state legislatures than at any point since 1928. And this bodes doubly-ill for Democrats, as we're heading into the Congressional re-districting phase, which should lock in more GOP dominance for the next decade.
Even so, it really does seem to me that people were voting with their feelings of economic terror and helplessness, and against all of the circumstances that are strangling the life out of the American spirit, as opposed to any particular party. Americans are saying, "Look, we are totally f'ed, and we're tired of the runaround we're getting from all of our leaders. Just do something to fix this. We don't know what, or how, but just do it."
Underneath all of this frustration and rage has emerged one single idea, the most important trope of the mid-term elections: Things are economically bad, so we have to tighten our belts and spend less. This idea has many facets, of course. There's the assertion that the housing bubble was caused by spend-happy Dems using Fannie and Freddie to force deadbeats into mortgages they couldn't afford. There's the idea that the TARP and the GM bailout were extravagant and wasteful funnelings of taxpayer money to corrupt and incompetent businesses. Also, the Obamacare monstrosity and the Obama stimulus are seen as taking yet more money from the pockets of regular Joes and transferring it to poor losers and crony-laden local projects.
Whether or not these interpretations are accurate (they generally are not, in my opinion), they do have the powerful ring of common sense. It is easy to project the finances of an individual or a family onto the national economic scene. 'Hey, I know that I can't spend more than I make forever, so how can the United States do it? Sooner or later, the credit card company cuts me off, so I need to either start making more money, or stop spending what I don't have. Right?'
This is a powerful analogy, and the Republicans and Tea Partiers especially have wielded it masterfully. Their message to the voters was to throw out the big-spending Dems and restore some fiduciary responsibility to Washington. If the 2010 mid-terms could be summed up in two words, those would be "fiscal conservatism." That's what everyone in the national spotlight wants to be seen as now: a Fiscal Conservative (regardless of one's Social Conservatism or Liberalism).
In another stream of analysis, a la Paul Krugman and other liberal economists, what may be personal financial virtue (living within one's budget) is actually disastrous when writ large on the macro-economic canvas. The common sensibility of belt-tightening will actually tank the economy even further, when all of the large variables come into play: e.g., inflation, international trade, currency valuation, aggregate demand, financial liquidity, etc.
For these thinkers, shrinking the government is exactly the wrong thing to do at this juncture. Just as with the Great Depression, the country is trapped in a vicious cycle of demand destruction, where people with no money are not buying enough stuff, which causes businesses to lay off more people, which creates more people with no money to buy stuff. In this scenario, the federal government must step in directly to put money in people's wallets via public spending on jobs and infrastructure projects. The key here, in this view, is that fiscal austerity via tax cuts and program cuts will simply put more money in the hands of people who won't spend it: i.e., the already-rich. Tax cut money has a much weaker economic multiplier than stimulus money paid out in the form of wages. And spending cuts, even if virtuous in the long run, are doubly-dangerous in a low-demand landscape, as public sector jobs are lost, and those subsequent unemployed then move to the less-productive side of government spending, unemployment insurance.
So which view is right? Are we to spend or cut our way out of our current morass? This is not the place to debate the merits of Trickle-Down/Austrian economics vs. Keynesianism, mostly because I am not equipped to settle such disputes. But suffice it to say, as I look at it, the American economy has grown like gangbusters for the last four decades, and the proceeds of that growth have undeniable drifted upwards, and not trickled down to the masses. In a globalized economy with transnational corporations moving their assets and profits around at will, the idea that more tax and program cuts will finally and magically make businesses hire American workers for awesomely-compensated jobs seems quaint, at best. As I detailed in last week's post, there is a stubborn myth that a stand-alone entity called "the government" has been taxing and regulating small businesses to death, squelching the creativity of entrepreneurs and the "business community" in general. And of course, this is bunk. The reality is that the federal government, thanks to campaign fundraising laws and electoral structures (winner-take-all formats), has become a hybrid proxy for Big Business, which has diametrically-opposed interests to smaller businesses.
OK, enough of that discussion. I beat those things to death in every post. What will actually happen now that the GOP controls the House? Will we see two years of gridlock, followed by a new President in 2012? Or maybe gridlock and then another round of incumbent purging, with the Dems moving back into the driver's seat? Will the Tea Partiers actually make life uncomfortable for their Republican brethren, forcing more austerity than pork-laden careerists are ready for? Will, God forbid, Obama, John Boehner, and Mitch McConnell be able to (gasp) work together to craft some actual solutions for the country that will satisfy, however partially, all parties involved?
Well, I wouldn't hold my breath. Returning to the Jaws quote at the opening of this post, the analogy of sharks to our two main political parties is apt. Due to many different long-term trends (electoral structure, campaign finance laws, the dominance of TV culture, the rise of partisan, for-profit journalism, the general ignorance and short attention span of the American public, etc.), our national Democratic and Republican parties are now miracles of political evolution: all they do is run campaigns, raise money to fund those campaigns, and then deliver the legislative goods for those who financed the campaigns. And that's all. We never really get the things we hope for from government because our leaders are not in the business of crafting virtuous, public-minded legislation. They are in the business of getting themselves re-elected to deliver rewards to those who pony up to get them re-elected. Every campaign slogan and trope is simply a (usually thinly) veiled message to moneyed benefactors that the public trough will be open for them, in some fashion. The Democratic messaging for federal spending promises contracts for corporations through the front-door (military-industrial complex, anyone?), while the GOP tax cutting winks that profits for corporations will be tucked in the back. Either way, large business entities and their lobbyists will make sure that they win, and regular people lose. That's why large companies hedge their bets and just give money to both parties. That way, they're covered, no matter what happens in any particular cycle.
Of course, the humongous conceit behind both major parties, a myth so profound that no one dare question it, is that economic growth and full-employment are the optimal states to which America can, and will, return. For liberals, this means that our current predicament is just a "liquidity trap," as Krugman calls it. Once consumers can pay down their debt, hopefully helped along by a new round of government stimulus, the salad days of maximum consumption and growth will return. On the conservative side, tax cuts and the shrinkage of the federal government will eventually return money to its appropriate places (families, businesses, and local government), which will then spark the magical alchemy of entrepreneurial, Ayn Randian wealth.
In my opinion, neither of these narrative hopes for a return to "normal" is legitimate. I believe we are heading for a future of much less overall market activity. The global economy of the last few decades has been overwhelmingly built on fraudulent, unfair, and over-leveraged foundations, not to mention the borderline-sociopathic psychology of consumption. We have put economic imperatives ahead of all other considerations, to the epic detriment of our ecologies, our psyches, and our bodies politic. We have created unreal and unreasonable expectations about the nature of economic life, and the ratios of labor to compensation to consumption are simply unsustainable.
There will be no return to a normal, robustly-growing economy, green or otherwise. Our major parties, having become electioneering appendages to big business, do not have, in their very nature, the ability to tell the truth or propose novel approaches to our situation. Return to growth is their only motif, and it is a woefully-inadequate one to the entropy-driven future we're facing.
So I don't know exactly what will happen in the new Congress. But my guess would be, not much, either way. The way things are structured, sweeping change or sweeping non-change are mostly the same thing, as far as regular folks are concerns. We're hosed, regardless.
I'd like to build on a recurring motif of Berman's to get into our discussion here. Repeatedly in Dark Ages America, Berman emphasizes that past decisions and developments really matter, and that they tend to close off possibilities for the future. So we may hope for all of these great things (green jobs, local food production, energy independence, rebirth of the middle class, etc.), but the pathways laid down in economic and social structure over the last few decades or centuries preclude their emergence. The result is a kind of hopeful agonizing, where justice and sanity and humanness are always just out of reach. We know exactly what we want, and may even have working models of our desires, in small scale. So we have some workable charter schools, or local food co-ops, or employee-owned businesses, or whatever. But expansion to the whole society or country never seems to get off the ground, because we are too locked in to prevailing ideologies and physical realities.
The great Jim Kunstler coined this phenomena "the psychology of previous investment," and he uses it in his brilliant analysis of the stubborn American clinging to the energy-sucking and soul-destroying byways of the suburban sprawlscape. But as we flail around this summer, caught on the horns of BP perfidy, Afghanistan quagmire, collapsing federal and state budgets, and 10% unemployment, political and cultural exhaustion are all around us, and the tired reformulations of past failures are becoming more threadbare by the day. How did we get to this point, and what might come out of the looming election cycle this autumn? Are we legitimately painted into a corner by the psychology of previous investment, and the socioeconomic realities on which that rests?
Let's start by looking at the Obama administration, and so-called liberalism in general.At this point in the Obama reign, a general theme on his style has emerged: he's a big-spending, triangulating technocrat, unable or unwilling to rock the boat in any meaningful manner that might make a real difference. Sure, there are different variations on this theme, depending on which side of the aisle you're on. In conservative circles, Obama's spending is obviously part of an overall socialist agenda, designed to change America into (gasp!) a European hell-state. On the left, the socialism thing doesn't play -- but I do think that there is a general feeling emerging on the left as well, that Obama is simply spending too much money in the wrong ways: continued war, a monstrous health-care "reform" package, toothless financial regulations, etc.
Certainly it is the case that the havoc wreaked by Dubya has almost totally crippled the current administration. In the public's perception, Obama now "owns" all this stuff, especially the economy and the wars. But reality does not operate according to the ebbs and flows of the pundit sphere. We are absolutely handcuffed as a nation by the trillions of dollars flushed into the sands of Iraq and Afghanistan, the trillions whisked away to offshore bank accounts via years of tax cuts for the wealthy, and by the basic inability of Bush's economic team to warn of the looming housing bubble disaster. These are irreversible and fatal events, and there may be nothing salvageable in the long run, no matter how many things Obama tries.
Consider the three signature items of the current adminstration: the stimulus package of 2009, health care "reform," and the financial reform bill just recently signed. In each case, there was a dire need to roll back epic dysfunction, and bold solutions were called-for. But instead, in each case, what was delivered was overly-complex, critically-compromised, fundamentally pro-corporate, and depressingly conventional. At no point were courageous, risky, novel approaches considered. At no point were lobbyists and corporate lackeys kicked out of the process and told, "shut the f*!# up, you've had your decades at the public trough, it's time to do something for the good of regular people." Instead, the psychology of previous investment was in effect all along the way. The old saw about what's good for the "business community" being good for America was baked into the stimulus, health care "reform," and financial regulations. Corporations had both elbows on the table the whole time, with their forks and knives thrust towards the pile of money at the center.
What we needed was smart, targeted stimulus that acknowledged new economic realities: rebuilding of local self-sufficiency, especially in manufacturing, transport (railroads and canals), and food production; a national project in green power generation, applied through rejuvenated municipal power plants; and a robust chain of federal retraining/placement facilities to transition people away from service-sector and sprawl-building sectors to the new jobs needed for the projects mentioned above. From health care reform, we needed a single-payer system, the simplest and most cost-effective way to provide service for everyone, as every other major industrialized country in the world has demonstrated. And from financial reform, we needed the quick reinstatement of Glass-Steagall (separating investment banks from deposit banks), a financial transaction tax (an easy way to cool down gaming and speculation), and hard stances on CEO pay, too-big-to-fail breakups, and laws repealing corporate personhood.
Of course, we did not get these things, because of the straitjacket of existing ideologies and processes. National politicians need lots of money to run for re-election; corporations provide that money; mainstream media (corporations themselves) perpetuate the illusion that corporate interests are American interests; big business thus gets the biggest seat at the Washington budget table, and actually help craft the legislation. That's why we get a trillion dollar a year military, far larger than anything we might conceivably need -- it's good for business. The stimulus we so badly needed last year was converted to tax cuts and a hodge-podge of pork-laden, "shovel-ready" projects that provided just a wisp of economic activity before being rolled over in the tide of recession. Instead of single-payer health care, we were treated to an absurd smorgasbord of forced private-policy purchase, new assistance programs and bureaucracies, and an utter lack of price-controls on drugs and overall system costs. And of course, with the new financial rules (especially if Elizabeth Warren is spurned as the consumer protection czar), there is nothing with teeth for big corporations to fear -- just more studies, more governing agencies and programs, with the massive loopholes that always ensue.
So all in all, the Obama administration is really stuck in a hard place. Their toolbox is just not equipped with anything truly novel. They keep crafting hugely-complex, pro-business packages that endeavor to preserve the fallacy at the center of the American experiment: that economic growth is necessary at all costs, and thus that pro-business policies will eventually accrue to the public good. You get the feeling that the Obama team is now sitting around saying, "OK, we've given the business community everything it could possibly want, when will they start investing and hiring to get things going again? Give us that goddam recovery already!" The psychology of previous investment completely blocks out the possibility that we are in a qualitatively different situation, and that the cavalry of consumer over-borrowing and over-spending is not riding over the hill.
The ugly truth is that Obama has really spent his capital and opportunity-window in the wrong way. The spending that he has done within the pro-business, status quo framework has not produced economic results, at least as far as the general public is concerned (10% unemployment is what it is). So American people of all stripes are now worried about the federal deficit and national budgetary bloating. Republicans and Democrats in Congress are now demanding that spending cuts or no-new-tax pledges be included in legislation before they will approve it. And there is just a general feeling from Americans that we are overstretched in many ways, and that we need to stop throwing federal money at everything, since it hasn't seemed to have done much so far. And really, they are right.
This brings me to another point on liberal economists and stimulus. Paul Krugman and Dean Baker (among others), economists for whom I have great respect, and who (especially in Baker's case) warned of bad mojo well in advance of the recent collapse, are calling for more federal stimulus. They emphasize that the destruction of the housing bubble has pulled so much demand-side money out of the system that no amount of business-as-usual activity will get things moving again. Like the Great Depression, we're in a death-spiral of stagnation and contraction, and thus we need another huge round of federal stimulus to bring life back to the American economy. Their arguments are persuasive, and their diagnoses are spot-on. But there is something missing.
If the goal of more stimulus is simply a return to the hyper-leveraged, overconsumptive, sprawl-building of the last four decades, then it will absolutely fail. As evidenced from many posts on this site, I believe that the underlying algorithms of work, housing, and consumption are on their way out. The One Person-One Job/One Family-One Dwelling social form is not sustainable in the long run, possibly even the short run. The realities of Peak Oil, technological unemployment, and ecological collapse are going to necessitate a collective lifestyle, one where people are forced or drawn out of the formal economy to perform more functions and services in-house, for larger groups of cohabitating people. Decentralization and devolution will be the new rules of the game, so the trends towards localization of production will continue. Unless a new round of federal stimulus makes these goals explicit, it is not worth doing, and it would not pass public muster anyway.
So that is the real challenge ahead for Obama. He must realize that the pro-corporate pork he has been shoveling his cronies is not going to catalyze a recovery of a way of life that is on its way out. He needs to have the courage to tell the American people about the new realities of energy, economy, and ecology, and then lay out a plan for real, transitional stimulus, as well as a legislative revolution in property taxes, zoning rules, and eminent domain standards. If Obama can't articulate the need for the United States to start transitioning over to a new kind of arrangement, then the harsh winds of reality will do it for him, and us.
Let’s face it, our lives are awash in crap: shitty TV, shoddy politics, decrepit physical spaces, throwaway popular culture, and a cratering economy. Navigating all of this detritus on a daily basis is both exhausting and bewildering. And paradoxically, as information (‘content’) proliferates on the internet and through other forms of digital media, the looser our grasp becomes on what is truly real. After the day’s Facebooking, Second Lifing, Tweeting, Grand Theft Autoing, and American Idoling are done, is there any energy left to really explore what it means to be a citizen, a partner, a parent, a person, a man? Does the sum of all this digital effluvia actually add value to our lives in the long run?
Amidst this proliferating atmosphere of disposable and disorienting culture, a few of us have decided to attempt something a little different. Our vision is to create a place that gathers quality creations from a core group of interacting contributors on a broad array of subjects that are decidedly non-trivial. By emphasizing true substance and real personalities, we hope to offer a stark alternative to the dominant media motifs of the day: throwaway content, empty celebrity, and hyper-insulated pseudo-communities. We want to birth a clearinghouse for ideas, images, and discussions that actually builds knowledge, character, and discernment. And of course, we’ll have a lot of fun along the way....
The name of this new website is Oysterwagon, a moniker that is explained in the full version of the pitch for contributions. We're hoping that many people will join in to contribute to the site, so if you would like me to send you the full version of the Oysterwagon kickoff pitch, send me an email a jeremy@postpeakliberal.com, and I can forward it to you. Basically, we want as many people to get involved, on any level, as we can. So hop on board the Wagon. (If you already have articles, pictures, stories, poems, or other material that you would like to contribute, send them along to theprojectdesk@gmail.com, and we'll give you immediate feedback)
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Okay, now on to other things. Periodically, when nothing really specific inspires an idea for a posting, I like to just do a kind of intellectual reset, a recapitulation of my understanding of the big picture. One of my biggest frustrations with liberal columnists and writers is that there is almost never a unifying theme or narrative that runs throughout their work. One day there's a column on unemployment, then the next something on indigenous rug makers in the Sudan. Then there will be a piece on gender inequities in the workplace, or something on green design. Now obviously, to be a liberal is by definition to be interested in a broad variety of subjects; to be open-minded. And clearly, you can't write about the same thing every day or week and still keep readers interested. But still, I think that liberals need to more explicitly weave a unifying narrative through their disparate pieces of work. Some kind of grand idea has to snake its way through more liberal thought. One thing that conservatives get right is the constant pounding away of the same theme, so that everyone is on the same page with unified talking points. Obviously, I think they go a little overboard, and generally their talking points are wrong. But liberals would be well-served by understanding the power of repetition and the galvanizing force of the Big Idea.
So with that in mind, let's do a Summer Reset of the big picture.
Looking around us, there are a lot of things to be worried about. Oil continues to spew into the Gulf, wrecking ecosystems and destroying generations of maritime culture. Our multi-front war in the Middle East will soon enter its second decade, with fairly little to show for it except bumper-crop profits for military contractors and ruined narco-terrorist states. The global economy is in rough shape, with low-wage powerhouses China and India replacing the decaying high-wage US and Europe as the prime movers. The national economy of the US is still mired in recession, with a higher 'natural rate' of unemployment settling in for a long visit, and car-centered suburbia collapsing as a viable way of life. Deadly toxins are parking themselves in at alarming levels all across our food chain, with unknown results for human health and reproduction. Bees are disappearing, whales are on their way to massive dieoffs, temperatures are surging to new highs all across the globe, American children are facing epidemic rates of diabetes and obesity, etc., etc., etc.
Thinking metaphorically, we're really looking at a set of Concentric Circles of Collapse, or Russian Nesting Dolls of Catastrophe. We've got an interlocked set of problems, with each smaller area of trouble embedded in a larger one. Our individual bodies are in tough shape (disease, obesity, mental illness), but that situation is set within the larger problems of high-stress work and over-indulgent consumer culture. Those problems are in turn embedded in a hyper-leveraged economic system that was built on suburban sprawl, deindustrialization, overreliance on service industry jobs, and unsustainable borrowing. Moving further out in our set of concentric circles, the whole consumer capitalism arrangement is massively unsustainable, drawing down natural capital and resources at an alarming rate, and ruining the planet in the process. And that is probably the largest level of catastrophe: the decline of virtually every natural system on earth. Accelerating extinction of species, global warming, the collapse of global fisheries, fresh water depletion, topsoil exhaustion, heavy metal saturation of living tissues across the food chain, etc.
With such a bewildering array of crises, it is no wonder that neither liberals nor conservatives can craft any kind of coherent course of action. It is much easier to retreat into scapegoat narratives of moral and spiritual collapse, or to dream dreams of technocratic mastery and future perfection. Neither of these strategies can do much good, and as long as our mainstream thinkers are mired in these delusions, we'll lurch from trouble-spot to trouble-spot, and the general pattern of decline will continue. Jim Kunstler calls this the Long Emergency, a long stretch of general devolution and decentralization. I highly recommend Kunstler's website and his books. He is our greatest contemporary commentator.
In general, I am in full agreement with Kunstler. Peak Oil is kicking in for good, as the easy oil is gone. The Gulf disaster is the perfect illustration of this phenomenon. Surface deposits are gone (or in politically-volatile areas), so we're drilling a mile into the ocean and then two miles further down. This kind of drilling can never be made trouble-free and cheap, no matter how many 'fail-safes' we put in place. So we're in for a rough patch in the coming decades, as the suburban sprawlscape becomes prohibitively-expensive and ultimately gives way. The mortgage implosion, especially in states like Florida, California, and Arizona, is the leading edge of this devolutionary iceberg.
Also, I am heartily in agreement with most hues of greenie-culture, which sees the key to our future as local economies, green products, cooperative businesses, renewable energy, and the like. We really do need a kind of moon-landing type of effort to create a green energy/green jobs America (It's just too bad that we're blowing all of our cash on a trillion-dollar-a-year military and other Rube Goldberg projects like the non-reforming health care reform that lumbered through Congress this year). I love farmers' markets and hybrid cars like any other NPR-lefty.
But I diverge from most other commentators in that I think that none of our green dreams of sustainability will happen without a dismantling of the basic social form of modern culture and economy: One Person-One Job/One Family-One Dwelling. This social form is the building block of consumer capitalism itself, and is thus the foundational source of almost all of the higher-level problems that we're facing. This social form literally creates and energizes dysfunctions all through our various economic and political systems. For example, the pressure for 'full employment,' for everyone to have a fulfilling and substantive job, over-monetizes all of our social functions, destroying older, non-market ways of providing goods and services. Another example is the American Dream itself: the desire for a mini-British manor for each nuclear family spawns the hyper-wasteful and spiritually stultifying suburban project. You would be hard-pressed to find a better way than suburbia to waste resources and spawn juvenile, copycat consumption. The One Person-One Job/One Family-One Dwelling social form also puts incredible pressure on the educational system, as it must forever produce qualified and productive workers, even if the overall labor-to-production ratios are on a long-term trend towards de-skilled work and automation. Because we're locked into this one way of working and living, there is relentless pressure to increase everything, all the time: higher wages, economic growth, bigger financial returns, more products (regardless of need), increased turnover of trends. We don't know of any way to be except to grow, which is a bad recipe for a finite planet and finite life-spans.
I firmly believe that this social form has to be transcended before any of our society-wide projects can succeed. There are not going to be meaningful market-jobs for everyone in the near future, so individual identity will have to be hung on something other than career and achievement. Many are living this new reality right now, as unemployment and under-employment are carving out deeper, permanent trenches. 'Success' will have to be redefined to mean something other than how much money one makes. Similarly, the atomization and fragmentation of dwellings will have to end. The home-improvement porn of cathedral-ceiling sitting rooms that no one ever sits in will have to go. The Extreme Home Makeover ridiculousness, where teenagers get larger rooms than what 40% of families (extended) around the globe have for their whole house, will need to be tossed aside.
In short, we will have to live more collectively. The fetishism of house and product will need to end. Consumption, and thus production, will need to be drastically curtailed. Economic contraction will have to become the new ideal for our politicians and economists. In the current arrangement, the economy has to grow, because everything hangs off of maximizing consumption, to drive the need for full employment and servicing of the single-family dwelling. But if people start living more collectively, pulling services out of the money economy and back into the household economy, then the full-employment, economic growth imperative can be broken, and we can start tackling some of those wider, concentric circles of collapse.